I wrote the letter below on 14 October 1999. It was published in the 19 October 1999 edition of the Daily Dawn. Mr. Musharraf obviously did not read it, or ignored it, in the event that he did. Today 17 years later the advice given remains relevant. In re- publishing the letter my intention is not to invite further intervention but to highlight that the problems of yesterday remain in essence the problems of today. Until we find solutions we do not have any hope of moving forward.
Those who read the letter below will also find uncanny validation of the adage 'The more things change the more they remain the same'.
Nadeem M Qureshi
The Editor
Daily Dawn Karachi
Dear Sir,
The removal of Mr. Sharif's government represents an opportunity that must not be squandered. It is clear that democracy, as practised in Pakistan, has failed to deliver results. Incompetent and corrupt people have been routinely elected to parliament regardless of their party affiliations. And once in power have performed, not surprisingly, egregiously. This has brought us where we are today. A country that stands on the brink of economic collapse with decimated institutions unable to provide its citizens with the very basic of services.
Clearly the system of democracy needs to be revamped so that the best of Pakistan's people, not the worst, run its affairs. General Musharraf and his colleagues are now in the unique position to make this happen. What should they do?
To start with they should not give in to the rising international clamour for a quick restoration of civilian rule. The changes that are needed to put democracy on the right track in Pakistan cannot be effected quickly. Yet the issue of legitimacy must be addressed. Since in a democracy, authority ultimately belongs to the people they should be approached directly in a referendum asking them to authorise an extra constitutional government, headed or sponsored by the military, for a period of two or three years. They should also authorise this government to make all necessary structural and constitutional changes to make democracy viable in the future. These changes would then be ratified by a future parliament.
There can be no doubt in anyone's mind of the outcome of such a referendum. The scenes of jubilation seen on the streets of Pakistan as news of Mr. Sharif's ouster spread are ample testament that the people of Pakistan have had enough of this particular brand of democracy.
Assuming we get so far. A referendum is held, a military led government gets a 3 year mandate to make basic changes and international indignation is muffled if not silenced. What would such a government need to do? There is space here only to talk of the fundamentals.
1. The feudal system must be dismantled in its entirety. Land that was 'gifted by British rule during colonial times to those who gained its favour must revert to the ownership of the federal government. These steps must be accompanied by genuine land reform that frees the people of rural Pakistan from the yoke of oppression that has long deprived them of their basic rights.
The importance of this reform cannot be overstated. Democracy in Pakistan has failed to deliver because there remains today a large part of the population, perhaps a majority, who cannot vote their minds. This is why recurring elections bring the same people to power — people whose central interest is to maintain the status quo.
2. The design of any future democratic setup must ensure that the cabinet consists of unelected professionals. This would mean that the President or Prime Minister would be able to pick the best of Pakistan's people for running the affairs of state. In the present system parliamentarians with little or no administrative experience, and even less education, end up in executive government positions. The disastrous consequences now stare us in the face,
3. The quota system must be dismantled. There is no room in a democracy for discrimination on any basis. All citizens must be equal in terms of their rights. Previous governments have sought to address economic imbalances between rural and urban areas in Sindh by resorting to quotas. But discrimination should never be a tool of economic policy. Other tools must be used such as education and investment in industry and infrastructure. The pain, alienation and destruction that Sindh has suffered would surely have been avoided if more enlightened policies had been pursued.
4. Education. No democratic system can function effectively if its people are illiterate or uneducated. In some sense this issue is an aspect of feudalism. In an effort to maintain their grip on power, feudal landlords even today do not permit schools in areas they control.The interim government must declare primary education as a cornerstone of its policy and ensure that whatever democratic setup takes over from it continues with this policy. A literate population is a guarantee, perhaps the only real guarantee, that a democratic system will work well.
5. The issue of religious intolerance in general and specifically the recent tragic escalation in Shia - Sunni violence must be addressed with extreme urgency. The root of the problem here is ignorance of even the basics of Islam. The "leaders' of both communities need to be educated. And here our rulers can turn to a source that they have approached in the past only for financial assistance.
The Gulf states are home to a number of Islamic scholars whose knowledge of the Quran and sunnah is respected across the Arab world. One of these is Sheikh Yusuf Al-Qaradawi at Qatar University. I have heard him frequently on Gulf television channels arguing forcefully-based on his encyclopaedic knowledge of the Quran and Hadith – for unity between Shia and Sunni.
Dr. Qaradawi, and others like him, would be more than delighted to give many of our religious leaders who call for violence against other Muslims a lesson not just in Islam but also in humility.
6. And finally the economy. Here Pakistan must resist the pressure from external agencies such as the IMF, the World Bank, WTO etc to jump onto the bandwagon of privatisation, open markets and globalisation. These policies while well suited for developed industrial nations make absolutely no sense for a developing country like Pakistan, where in fact they would, if implemented, relegate its economy to a perpetual backwater. Economic success stories such as Japan and South Korea were made possible by strong government participation and protected markets. Even today US companies complain of protectionism in both Japan and Korea.
So Pakistan stands today on the threshold of opportunity. If General Musharraf and his colleagues act with wisdom and courage they can set a course that will let Pakistan fulfil the potential that it seemed to promise when it was created half a century ago. If they fail there will be no second chances.
Nadeem M Qureshi
14 October 1999
